Gábor Vargyas:
Intangible culture of the Bru: preservation, promotion and reassertion of values.

[In O. Salemink (ed.): Viet Nam’s Cultural Diversity: Approaches to Preservation. UNESCO Publishing, Memory of Peoples , 2001: 199-204.]

Introduction
The Bru (Vân Kiều in Vietnamese literature) are one of the sixty mountain minorities of the Annamese Cordillera (Trường Sơn). They live in the provinces of Quảng Bình and Quảng Trị in central Viet Nam around the 17th parallel. Their territory straddles Viet Nam and the Lao People’s Democratic Republic north of Road Number 9, which links Ðông Hà on the coast to Savannakhet in the Mekong valley. They are mainly concentrated around Khe Sanh (Hướng Hóa) administrative centre. Their language belongs to the western group of the Katuic branch of the Mon-Khmer languages. Their closest linguistic relations are the Tri, Mangkong and Khua living in the Lao P.D.R., who speak what linguists regard as Bru dialects.

The number of Bru is not known with certainty. Estimates range from 40.000 to 80.000, according to the authors. The census of April 1989 in the district of Hướng Hóa (Khe Sanh) gave a precise figure, however. Besides 21.000 Vietnamese, this recorded 22.800 Bru (Vân Kiều) and 10.000 representatives of other minorities (mainly Pacoh).

The Bru group is typical of the mountain minorities living in relative isolation in an ecological area unfamiliar to the dominant majority. They practise shifting slash-and-burn cultivation, but for some generations now they have also practised wet-rice cultivation . In addition to rice, they grow Indian corn, manioc, fruit and vegetables. They also engage in fishing and, to a lesser extent, hunting and gathering, as do most of the minorities . Their domestic animals (poultry, pigs, goats, buffaloes – in increasing order of importance) are eaten only during festivals or ceremonies.

Since it is near one of the few passes across the Annamese Cordillera, Bru territory has always been a strategic region seeing much through traffic. On the border of two spheres of influence, those of Siam and of Annam, sovereignty over it was long disputed. Thus, historically speaking, the Bru isolation was only ever relative: while maintaining their autonomy as a result of

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their inaccessibility, the Bru were nevertheless for centuries tributary to the imperial court of Huế (even if this was a mere formality). The old trade route linking the coast with the Mekong valley and running through Bru territory also facilitated cultural exchanges and the introduction of many foreign elements into Bru culture. These came mainly from the Lao influence perceptible in both Bru tangible (materials, clothes, etc.) and intangible culture (bilingual forms of folklore, in Bru and in Lao.)

French colonization at the end of the nineteenth century marked a new stage in the history of the Bru and in their relations with the outside world. This is what put an end to their relative isolation. From this time onwards, they found themselves overtaken by events, as war in Indo-China, first against France, then against Japan, and finally against the United States, ravaged their territory for over half a century. The Bru were caught between two fires, being involved and participating in wars that decimated them and destroyed their culture. Many of them left the region and settled with relations in the Lao P.D.R.
With the end of hostilities and the reunification of Viet Nam in 1975, a new and peaceful era began. The war had had many disastrous effects, however, and these are still being felt even now. Bru tangible culture had been almost completely annihilated; Bru villages and crops had been burned, and their possessions destroyed. Domestic animals, especially buffaloes and elephants, had been lost, as had valuable gongs, jars, pots and pans of bronze or other metals, silver bracelets, molten glass necklaces, etc. General poverty was the outcome.

The Vietnamese state, despite its efforts and some indisputable results, did not have sufficient means to intervene and develop the region. By force of circumstances, the Bru lapsed once more into autarky. Paradoxically, however, poverty and autarky facilitated the reconstruction of the traditional way of life and the reassertion of its values. Bru culture underwent a revival, which is still under way, applying mainly to the intangible culture. For whereas the tangible culture had been destroyed, traditional folklore had never died out, and in a society in which contacts with the outside world are limited, and in which electricity, television, radio, cinema, etc. are lacking, the traditional intangible culture retains much of its importance. Traditional myths, stories, music and dance are still very much alive.

The genres of Bru folklore
What follows is a review of the different genres of Bru folklore.

Epic songs
If asked to name the most famous and representative genre of Bru folklore, one would undoubtedly say sanỡt. Every ceremonial and solemn occasion, on which the traditional beverage, rice beer (made in jars and drunk with straws) is consumed , concludes with sanỡt songs. For older men in particular, this is the most popular genre, and they can spend whole nights singing them. Ideally, sanỡt is a kind of epic song sung alternately by two men with a flute accompaniment . One of the two launches the story by asking a question, the other then replying and telling a part of it. The first then resumes, and the two relay with each other in this way for hours on end. Themes vary, covering subjects as different as the greeting of parents and events during the Viet Nam war. Favourite themes, however, include a few widely known stories about the origin of the world after the Deluge, the origin of rice, alcohol and the flute – what anthropologists would calls ‘myths of origin’. Musical from apart, the sanỡt is characteristically sung in Lao rather than in Bru, or at least in a mixture of the two languages. This raises many questions on which there is not room to dwell here.

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Love songs
As is the cases all over South-East Asia, many folklore genres are connected with love. ‘Love songs’, however, would not really be the correct term for them, since they are sung solely during courtship. Their explicit aim is to attract a member of the opposite sex and to win his or her affection. Once this period is over and marriage concluded, the wife can never sing them again. If she did, this would mean that she wanted to find someone else, which would be an insult to her husband and to his clan and would lead to divorce. Since a strictly patrilineal system exists in Bru society, and polygamy is practised, things are different for men. Men are free to sing these courting songs until they die. As a rule, these songs, which are full of poetic images, are sung alternately by a boy or a man and a girl or a woman, with or without instrumental accompaniment.

The Bru have three different types of such songs. The kind most popular with young people today is taq owai. The melody here is not unlike that of a certain type of Lao courting song, though taq owai is sung only in Bru. It is a fairly recent type of courting song and is accompanied by a sort of three-stringed lute. The older generation are more familiar with an earlier type of courting song, oat. The melody is quite different from that of taq owai, and it is sung unaccompanied . The most unusual and interesting type from the musical standpoint, however, is undoubtedly ũi-amam . Here, vocal and mouth-organ techniques are uniquely combined. One of the partners plays a bamboo cylinder with a hole and specially prepared reed of about 20 cm in length. The other person takes the other end of the instrument (amam) in his and her mouth and, keeping it there, begins to sing. The mouth cavity serves as a resonator for the amam, but the voice, that is, the voice part, is also changed by the sound of the instrument. In this way the two melodic lines are simultaneously transformed, giving together an almost mystic effect. The physical proximity of the partners, which contrasts with the distance fixed by the length of the instrument, creates a tensed and sensual atmosphere that does not leave them unmoved.

Funeral songs
Some other important folklore genres are connected with death. The Bru practise periodical ‘funeral’ or commemorative rites that continue over three generations. During these very elaborate funeral rites two types of song are sung – aruai and paryỗng. The former relate the actual funeral ceremony and the fate of the deceased in a symbolic and poetical way – how the deceased was brought down from the house and carried to the temporary enclosure where the ceremonies take place, and how a buffalo was sacrificed, for example. The procession to the cemetery is then described.

The main theme of the paryỗng, on the other hand, is the sacrificial buffalo and its fate – how and where it was born, how big it was, who its owner was, under what circumstances and at what price it was purchased, and so on. Two groups of men circle around the deceased in opposite directions singing the paryỗng songs. One group symbolizes the living, the other group the dead. At the culminating point in the ceremony the two groups ‘meet’, stop and exchange food and an alcoholic beverage, the living thus trying to secure the benevolence of the dead .

Folklore genres relating to social life
Space does not allow a description of the other folklore genres. Here only songs have been reviewed, and even these incompletely. No mention has been made of shamanic songs connected with healing, for instance. Any full review of the genres of Bru intangible culture would also have to include tales, riddles, prayers and vows, then deal with the different musical instruments and their uses , before closing with the very limited role of dancing.

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The important point, however, is to understand that all these genres are connected with the different events of social life and that they accompany them. Thus, in addition to having an obvious aesthetic function and providing entertainment, they also have other very specific functions. The conditions under which they are performed are very clearly defined and many prohibitions and tabus are attached to them, for example. This means that the survival, and hence the preservation, of the intangible culture of the Bru is therefore dependent on that of the events to which the different folklore genres are attached, that is, the traditional social life. If the intangible culture is to be preserved, one must first of all preserve the society that created it.

Some practical proposals
Scientific research
The sine qua non of any attempt at assessment is an exact analysis and evaluation of the present situation. The first point to stress, therefore, is the importance and urgency of scientific collection and cataloguing before or during the preservation and promotion of the intangible cultural heritage.

In this connection it should be borne in mind that South-East Asia, and especially the Indo-Chinese peninsula – that is, Viet Nam, Cambodia and the Lao P.D.R. – is, ethnographically speaking, one of the least known regions in the world. More than fifty minorities live in Viet Nam alone, not to mention those in the Lao P.D.R. and Cambodia. For obvious reasons about half of these have never been the subject of serious study. Here I have chiefly in mind long-term ethnographic fieldwork that builds on a knowledge of the local language and on participatory research, since this is recognized universally as the ideal method of modern anthropology.

In this respect much remains to be done. Studies based on a thorough field survey can be counted on the fingers of one hand, as can those carried out in a local language. AS for the intangible heritage, although we have a number of collections of texts (customary laws, tales, prayers, etc.), there are whole fields and genres about which we know very little – music, dance, epics, shamanic songs and incantations, for example. However, our knowledge is almost always limited to a few specific groups.

It is not my purpose here to assess studies carried out to date on the minority groups. That remains to be done elsewhere. However, it seems obvious that in view of the state of affairs explained earlier, we have to begin by a systematic, planned and co-ordinated survey in order to gain overall knowledge of the intangible culture of the minorities. A survey on such a scale is beyond national capabilities, however, and should therefore be carried out under UNESCO’s auspices, in co-operation with the respective national bodies, which would allow it the requisite financial resources and personnel. Such a programme would have two aims and be carried out in two stages. The first stage would involve the preparation of an annotated bibliography and a comprehensive work reviewing our knowledge of the different minority groups. These publications would reveal the gaps and weak areas in our knowledge, as well as revealing those ethnic groups and fields that are not well known and the problems and questions that need to be clarified. Both publications should be in Vietnamese and in one or more other languages so that both the national and the international communities could benefit from them. The second stage would consist of a systematic, planned scientific survey. Depending on the financial resources and personnel available, a number of key ethnic groups might be selected for a long-term ethnographic research project. Work would be carried out by mixed national/international teams, and findings published jointly. In this case, each ethnic group could be treated separately in more detail, the different studies forming a

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series giving an overall view of the minorities and the intangible culture to be conserved.

Popularization of ethnographic knowledge
In addition to these scientific studies, a few popular ethnographic works concerning minorities might be produced. In my view, it would be very useful to bring out a work giving a simple and clear presentation of anthropological view on problems and misunderstanding in regard to minorities, including opinions such as the following: slash-and-burn cultivation means the destruction of the forest ; buffalo sacrifices represent ‘unnecessary waste’ ; long-houses on piles are a tradition of backward peoples ; and shamanism is the ‘duping and exploiting of the gullible’ . Anthropologists in Viet Nam and elsewhere have all been confronted with assertions of this kind and have long discussed them. Popular ethnographic works, which should of course be published in Vietnamese, could be extremely helpful in dispelling these misunderstandings and prejudices. In a readily understandable form, they should be addressed above all to decision-makers, party leaders, administrators, extension workers, teachers, doctors and so forth, who are in close contact with the minorities and who inevitably influence them in the course of their work.

The media
The media play a crucial role in the preservation and protection of the intangible culture of the minorities and the reassertion of its values . Radio, in particular, is extremely important, for it is the only medium that reaches the minorities themselves. It should not be forgotten that a large percentage of the minorities do not speak Vietnamese very well and in any case cannot read or write. The press, or indeed any written source, is therefore inaccessible to them. Nor should it be forgotten that in many of the regions where the minorities live there is still no electricity, so the role of television is negligible. However they have battery radio sets, though these are a luxury. I therefore suggest that we first concentrate our efforts on radio.

With this in view, the most important step to take, in my opinion, would be to establish local radio stations that broadcast at regular times in the local languages in the regions where the minorities live . To begin with, programmes that include a great deal of local music would be desirable. All those who have worked in the field know how quickly the traditional music of the minorities can decline as a result of the devastating effects of loudspeakers blaring out popular Vietnamese music. Yet, as we have seen, most Bru folklore genres are musical genres, and therefore the broadcasting of their music could restore the pride and self-esteem of the group and convince them that their culture is not inferior to that of the majority. In this way, too, there would be some hope of counteracting the tendency to uniformity, due to the increasing influence of the majority culture.

Later on, one could, and should, launch primary school curricula in local languages too. At the same time the local radio station could broadcast programmes on the minority cultures in Vietnamese. This would help the dominant majority to understand and appreciate the minority cultures better.

Education
Concerning education , the main question is whether tuition at primary level is given in the local language or not. If it is not, then the minorities will lose their culture and will become second-class Vietnamese citizens. However this question also gives rise to many difficulties at present. First of all, it must be borne in mind that some of the minority languages still have no established writing system on which primary education could be based. In such cases, linguists would have to prepare the way before any practical measure could be taken. There are other cases where a writing system exists but for some reason is not used. Here, it would be extremely

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important to rehabilitate these scripts and to introduce tuition in the local languages at the primary level . A project of this kind would obviously fall, however, if it was not backed by a state programme for the publication of school textbooks and other materials.

The fact that most teachers belong to the majority population, do not understand the local language, and what is more do not hold it in esteem, is another problem. It would therefore be advisable for primary-school teachers from the group concerned to be trained at least for the local schools. They alone can teach in what is after all their mother tongue; they alone hold their culture in esteem, and this is essential if the intangible heritage is to survive.

Centres of minority culture
The local radio stations mentioned above and the educational centres could be housed in ‘regional Centres of Minority Culture’ . Such cultural centres could play an extremely important role in the conservation and protection of the intangible culture of the minorities and, above all, in the reassertion of its values. At the same time they could serve as a meeting-place and a forum in which problems concerning the minorities could be discussed. Key personnel and trainees could be trained in the preservation of traditional culture at such centres, and traditional art festivals and regional competitions could be organized as well. In this way the centres could help strengthen community life and contribute to the transmission of the traditional cultural values.

As many regions are inhabited by several ethnic groups, the centres could also be multicultural in nature. The various minorities could get to know and appreciate the cultural values of other minorities and thus could preserve and integrate them more effectively into Viet Nam’s multi-ethnic culture.

Protection of traditional territorial rights
The final question, and also the most fundamental one, concerns the legal and administrative protection of the minorities. Here I would stress above all territorial rights. The strongest emotions, the most divergent interests and the most serious misunderstandings are bound up with these. There is no doubt that the quickest way to destroy a society is to violate its territorial rights. Thus, if the intangible culture of the minorities is to be preserved, then those individuals and societies that serve as the vehicles of that culture must also be preserved.